The core of the Republican Party is accumulators, would-be accumulators, those who fantasize that with a little luck, they could also become accumulators, non-accumulators who worship the accumulation process (e.g., fundamentalist Christians who think that if they pray hard enough they will become rich), and "values voters" who are swayed by right-wing positions on wedge issues, such as abortion, gay rights, and immigration. It also contains members of the military and protective services (police, firemen, corrections, security personnel), managers, its own operatives and employees, and entrepreneurs small-business people. Many of these categories overlap. In my introduction, I saw the class struggle between the accumulating class and the rest of us as over the appropriation and redistribution of the surplus. I also mentioned that the particular sector of the accumulating class that took over in the Reagan Revolution depended on the federal government to allocate capital in its interests.
George Bush on elites, “You are my base.”
No longer do Republicans believe, as did Calvin Coolidge, that the prime function of government is the "night watchman." When Southern rim capitalists took over the Republican Party and subsequently the federal government, they realized that they could use the instrumentalities of the government to increase their access to the material surplus. Researchers have talked about corporate welfare and military Keynesianism (e.g., Seymour Melman) in the Defense Department budget, which seems to expand whether we are at peace or war. However, with Reagan, they learned that a fiscal crisis of the state was extremely beneficial to them because that gave them legitimacy to cut entitlement programs, such as welfare and Medicaid. However, those programs with middle-class support such as Social Security and Medicare had too much popular support to cut. There have been several attempts to privatize Social Security that have failed miserably. At present, the Republicans have plans to destroy Medicare. After the debacle of George W. Bush attempting to privatize Social Security, they have stepped away from that issue, although in the budget offered by Rep. Paul Ryan includes a means test.
Means testing, that is, excluding more affluent recipients from the service is the first step in destroying a program. Means tested programs lose powerful advocates in the upper class, making it easier to identify them as "welfare," which delegitimizes them and makes them easier to defund. The most successful social welfare programs, such as Social Security and Medicare have no means tests. All one has to do is look what is happening to the Medicaid program – which is means tested – in the most recent budget.
The Republicans have found new ways to access government largesse. President George W. Bush applied the Reagan recipe with steroids, conducting two wars off the books while simultaneously granting tax breaks that overwhelmingly benefited the wealthy, creating a ballooning federal debt (more about the Bush Administration in a subsequent blog.) When the wheels came off the economy in 2008, the accumulating class literally raided federal coffers to the tune of $720 billion in bailouts to Wall Street and major banks. Then they turned around and used some of that money to hire hordes of lobbyists to make sure that consequent regulatory efforts were toothless. Meanwhile, they fought every effort to expend funds in ways that did not directly help them. Workers were thrown out of jobs, mortgage holders were foreclosed upon, and what little help they received was begrudged by the Republican Party, which sometimes obstructed such help, such as Sen. Jim Bunning's delaying of the expansion of unemployment benefits to 99 weeks.
Of course, the bailout, the wars, and the tax breaks have ballooned the federal debt. The stimulus package temporarily helped state governments to maintain services. But that only postponed the disaster for them. Using what Naomi Klein has referred to as "the shock doctrine," the accumulating classes have decided to destroy public unions, which make up an important and organized base of the Democratic Party. Given that privately employed workers have faced stagnating wages, declines in benefits, and the shouldering of their own retirement systems, the talking heads at Fox News, the official voice of the Republican Party, have attempted to capitalize on their misery by vilifying public employees as fat cats with high wages, generous benefits, and obscene retirement programs that are bleeding state governments dry.
Especially in the Midwest, Tea Party Republicans have decided that the fiscal crisis of the state is a glorious opportunity to defang public unions. If they could reduce union workers in the private sector by half over 30 years, then why can't they take on public unions as well? If public employee unions are destroyed, states can run lower budgets. Taxes, which are the second most powerful claim on the surplus, will remain low. This will allow more capital to flow into the coffers of an already bloated accumulating class.
With the globalization of capital and the rise of the multinational corporation, the accumulating class no longer needs an expanding American middle class, which after all, is not materially productive. It consumes on the job and in the private sphere. What does a teacher produce? A cop? A fireman? Public employees are paid out of the accumulated surplus. Although the American middle-class exists at the material level of social reproduction as surplus absorbers – that is, as excuses for capital to produce more goods and services in the search for profit, there is no reason why they can't get surplus absorbers that are cheaper in places like India and China. The American middle class is now viewed as an impediment to the accumulation process by the accumulating class. Therefore, they have every incentive to disinvest in the main mechanism by which upward mobility into the middle class is achieved – education.
Increasing sections of America look like a postindustrial nightmare. The great industrial cities of the Midwest are hollow shells of themselves, with blocks of abandoned buildings, empty factories with broken windows, and sad, shrunken communities that consist of people who could not or would not move out: Flint, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester. I'm sure you could add your own to the list. If capital abandons the American middle class, will urban rot invade the surrounding suburbs as middle-class Americans are squeezed with declining work conditions, lower salaries, and smaller pensions?